Egyptian Government Attempts to Suppress the Media

[Egyptian Billboard featuring President Morsi. Image by Faris Knight via Wikimedia Commons] [Egyptian Billboard featuring President Morsi. Image by Faris Knight via Wikimedia Commons]

Egyptian Government Attempts to Suppress the Media

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following article was issued by the Committee to Protect Journalists on 16 August 2012.] 

President Mohamed Morsi`s government and allies are pushing back against critical news coverage, suppressing critical journalists and state-run newspapers, putting a journalist on trial, and attacking three journalists on the street, according to news reports.

"This is a troubling backward step that Egypt`s newly elected President Mohamed Morsi should not be taking," said CPJ Deputy Director Robert Mahoney. "We urge President Morsi to reverse this course immediately and demonstrate his commitment to press freedom."

Several journalists have reported suppression at the state-run newspaper Al-Akhbar. The newspaper was among a number of prominent state-run dailies at which new editors-in-chief had been appointed by the Egyptian upper house of parliament, also known as the Shura Council, on August 7. The Shura Council`s move was seen as a way for Morsi`s government, which is dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood`s Freedom and Justice Party, to place regime sympathizers in powerful positions to control media coverage. Several private newspapers ran blank columns on August 9 in protest of the appointments.

Ibrahim Abdel Meguid, prominent weekly columnist for Al-Akhbar and outspoken critic of the Muslim Brotherhood, told news outlets on Thursday that his weekly column had been stopped. The journalist said that Mohamed Hassan el-Banna, the paper`s new editor-in-chief, was trying to implement a policy that would remove from Al-Akhbar`s roster any writers who were critical of the Brotherhood.

Youseef el-Qaeed, a prominent Egyptian writer and novelist who frequently writes for Al-Akhbar, told the online news website Ahram Online that the newspaper refused to publish his latest article that criticized the Muslim Brotherhood for attacking journalists on August 12. El-Banna denied banning al-Qaeed`s article and said the daily had not received an article from the journalist, according to news reports.

Abla al-Roweini, a daily columnist for Al-Akhbar, told Ahram Online that on August 9, the newspaper asked her to tone down her criticism of the Muslim Brotherhood in her column. When al-Roweini refused, insisting that the article run in its entirety, she received no response, and the next day, Al-Akhbar was published without it, she told Ahram Online.

Local news outlets reported on Wednesday that Al-Akhbar announced it would cancel the newspaper`s daily column called "Free Opinions." El-Qaeed and Abdel Meguid were both writers for the column, which meant they could no longer write for the newspaper, the reports said.

Meanwhile, the Cairo prosecutor`s office said on Monday that Islam Afifi, editor-in-chief of the independent daily Al-Dustour, would be tried for insulting the president. Afifi is charged with attempting to "undermine and destabilize" Egypt by publishing "false information" about Morsi. On August 11, a Cairo court ordered the confiscation of several editions of Al-Dustour over a front-page editorial calling Morsi a "fascist" and asking the army to "defend the civil state," news reports said. On Sunday, a Cairo court issued him a travel ban; his trial date is set for August 23.

On August 8, three journalists were attacked during a demonstration by protesters with pro-Morsi posters. The demonstrators were calling for private satellite broadcaster Al-Faraeen, known for its anti-Morsi commentaries, to be taken off the air and were also protesting what they called media corruption in front of Egypt`s Media Production City. The Media Production City is a large complex on the outskirts of Cairo where several media outlets have been built. News accounts reported that the protesters were also preventing guests from entering the complex.

Protesters attacked the car of Youssef al-Hosiny, a radio and television presenter who hosts a program on the private satellite broadcaster ONTV, and tried to prevent him from entering the complex, al-Hosiny said on his show. News accounts reported that the car of Amr Adeeb, a television host for the private satellite broadcaster Orbit, was also attacked by protesters on the same night, but did not offer details.

Khaled Salah, editor-in-chief of the private daily Youm7, said protesters holding pro-Morsi banners threw stones at his car and smashed his windows and mirrors as he tried to enter the complex. Salah filed a formal complaint against the Freedom and Justice Party and accused its leaders of inciting the attack against him, the reports said.

In a statement on the Muslim Brotherhood`s website, the Freedom and Justice Party condemned the attacks on the journalists and denied any involvement.

 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412